sábado, 23 de julio de 2011

La roja inexistente contra Tomás Rincón (VIDEO)

La roja inexistente contra Tomás Rincón (VIDEO): "

Tomás Rincón fue expulsado en el partido por el tercer lugar entre Venezuela y PErú. El detalle es que el centrocampista venezolano no toca al jugador inca en la jugada.


Eurozine - Nietzsche's anti-democratic liberalism - Béla Egyed

Eurozine - Nietzsche's anti-democratic liberalism - Béla Egyed

Nietzsche's anti-democratic liberalism

While Nietzsche was an enemy of populism and egalitarianism, he was also an enthusiastic supporter of the struggle for liberty; his perfunctory endorsement of existing institutions sits alongside a proto-politics of drives and intensities. A Nietzschean politics is less a critique of political events so much as a diagnosis of the forces and tendencies driving them – and therein lies its liberalism, writes Béla Egyed.


Since W. Kaufmann's attempt more than half a century ago (Nietzsche: Philosopher, Psychologist, Antichrist, [N]1950) to rehabilitate Nietzsche as a progressive thinker there has been a lively debate about the relation between Nietzsche's philosophical and political positions. According to some, Nietzsche's "reactionary politics" follow naturally from his doctrines of Will to Power and the Overman. (Bruce Detwiler argues for this position in: Nietzsche and the Politics of Aristocratic Radicalism [D], 1990.) Others maintain that, properly interpreted, Nietzsche's philosophical views imply a progressive political position that Nietzsche could not arrive at because he was captive of a number of misguided assumptions. (Mark Warren in Nietzsche and Political Thought [W], 1988; and William E. Connolly in Political Theory and Modernity [C], 1988, take this position.) I am going to defend a version of W. Kaufmann's thesis that Nietzsche's teachings on the Overman and the Will to Power ought not to be interpreted in (traditional) political terms. However, in contrast to Kaufmann, I will argue that in his middle period Nietzsche does put forth a fairly coherent political position and, furthermore, I will argue that his doctrine of Will to Power does have some political implications. In opposition to Kaufmann's critics, on the other hand, I will argue that Nietzsche's attacks in his final period, on what he calls "herd morality", are compatible with constitutional liberalism.

Diagnosing the present

"Diagnosing the present", a translation project between Eurozine partner journals Critique & Humanism (Bulgaria), Kulturos barai (Lithuania), and Kritika&Kontext (Slovakia) and supported by the Next Page Foundation, aims to add to an understanding of cultural, political, and intellectual life in contemporary eastern central Europe. [ more ]

Ivaylo Ditchev
Mobile citizenship?
Skaidra Trilupaityte
Global museums in the twenty-first century
Almantas Samalavicius
An amorphous society
Tomas Kavaliauskas
The non-efficient citizen
Rasa Balockaite
Between mimesis and non-existence
Ivan Krastev
The populist moment
Antony Todorov
National populism versus democracy
Svetoslav Malinov
Radical demophilia
Milla Mineva
Made in Bulgaria. The national as advertising repertoire
Roundtable with contemporary philosophers
What does Nietzsche mean to philosophers today?
Alan D. Schrift
Questioning authority
Béla Egyed
Nietzsche's anti-democratic liberalism
György Tatar
The heaviest burden
Horst Hutter
Soul craft
The title of this paper reflects my view that, "liberalism" and "democracy" denote related but separable concepts. Fareed Zakaria, in a paper entitled "The Rise of Illiberal Democracy" (Foreign Affairs, 1997) had alerted us to the fact that outside the Western world "Democracy is flourishing, constitutional liberalism is not." C.B. McPherson in his Life and Times of Liberal Democracy (1977) has argued, by contrast, that liberalism has not always been democratic. We could, then, say that just as democracy is possible without liberalism, so liberalism is also possible without democracy. In fact, the debate about Nietzsche's political views would gain from the admission that, while Nietzsche was a sworn enemy of populism and egalitarianism, and that he gave only a grudging support to existing democratic institutions, he was also an enthusiastic supporter of the struggle for liberty. This is the position I want to defend in this paper. However, I must admit that making my case is not without difficulties. All interpretations, including mine, that attempt a unified reconstruction of Nietzsche's writings on politics, will be faced with some exegetical problems. A passage can always be found that presents problems for any given attempt at interpreting him. But mine, in particular, will also have to address some conceptual problems. In the course of this paper, I will have to clarify in what sense Nietzsche was a liberal but not a democrat. Also, I will have to show that Nietzsche's theory of Will to Power does not imply political domination of the majority of people by what he calls the "higher types".

It might help if I stated my basic orientation to these two conceptual problems at the outset. First, I do not think that it is possible to divorce liberalism and democracy completely. Different people might understand different things by these two concepts. That is one reason why they are so often collapsed in to one another. Liberals must accept, minimally, the democratic idea that those in power should be willing to respond to the needs, and legitimate desires, of those over whom they rule. But, a liberal could reject populism, egalitarianism, and be sceptical of the merits of electoral politics without compromising his or her commitment to the rights of individuals to develop themselves, according to their needs, abilities, and inclinations. Second, I take Nietzsche's doctrine of Will to Power to be, essentially, about agency: spelling out the way in which agent unities are constituted, and about the conditions they have to meet if they are to remain as unities in an environment that is not within their control.

On the textual level, I need to show that there is substantial evidence that Nietzsche's political views, understood in the traditional sense, are the ones he articulates in his "middle period", in Human, All-Too-Human (HAH), and in The Wanderer and Its Shadow (WS). I need to show this in order to support my contention that Nietzsche gives a grudging support to the accomplishments of liberal democracy. This, in turn, raises the following conceptual question: In what sense is his liberalism "anti-democratic"? My short answer to this question is that Nietzsche was, indeed, an "aristocratic radical". He was, in other words, a nineteenth century European liberal, and, in spirit, a constitutional monarchist. And, those familiar with the politics of late nineteenth century Central European politics might agree with me that monarchists were much closer to liberalism than were their democratic opponents, namely, those who were populists and nationalist. And, as I will show later, Nietzsche's most vitriolic attacks were against forms of populism, and his general criticism of "the democratic idea" was motivated mostly by his mistrust of the "new idols", political imposters seeking to take the place left vacant by the death of God. In addition, I need to show that, in spite of his harsh criticism of liberal institutions, Nietzsche was a liberal: to show, in particular, that Nietzsche's critique of liberalism was an internal critique. It will help my case to note, first, that he was at the same time an admirer of liberation movements and a critic of the ossification that sets in once these movements have reached their goal; and, second, that he was suspicious of the aspirations of the classical liberal project of achieving a harmonious community of equal individuals united by a common acceptance of universal moral laws.

Interpreting Nietzsche

For the sake of simplicity, I divide interpretations of Nietzsche's political writing into three main categories. First, there are those, like Walter Kaufmann, who consider Nietzsche's philosophical position politically irrelevant. For them, Nietzsche is primarily a psychologist advocating the self-perfection of solitary individuals. According to Kaufmann, for example, Nietzsche's teaching of Will to Power requires the distinction between "true power" and "mere power". True power is an attribute of the creative, strong, individual who seeks not to dominate others, but to overcome himself. "[The] leitmotif of Nietzsche's life and thought, Kaufmann says, [is] the theme of the anti-political individual who seeks self-perfection far from the modern world."(N, p. 418). Mere power, on the other hand, is the attribute of the week who strives desperately to attain power it does not have.

Second, there are those, like Mark Warren and William E. Connolly, who hold that Nietzsche's philosophical position does have political implications, but not the ones Nietzsche drew form them. Warren, whose point of view might be considered neo-Kantian, maintains that Will to Power is an "ontology of social practice". He sees Will to Power as universal will to agency, a self reflective motive of action, ("Nietzsche and Political Philosophy", in: Political Theory [P], 1985, p.197) "sanctioning some values – positive freedom, autonomy, individuality and plurality, for example – and not others" (P, p.205). But, in Warren's view Nietzsche failed to draw the right political conclusions from his philosophy because he was captive of a number of "uncritical assumptions" (ibid.) Connolly, who follows Foucault in his interpretation of Nietzsche, sees in the doctrine of Will to Power a healthy suspicion about the assumptions of modern liberalism. Nietzsche's agonistic philosophy, Connolly believes, keeps the identity of the communal self open, by preserving the tensions and ambiguities of political life. Connolly also finds Nietzsche's political thinking somewhat inadequate: by failing to take into account the reality of economic and political practices that intensify resentment (C, p. 171) he did not explore the possibility of "democratic politics as a medium through which to expose resentment and to encourage the struggle against it" (C, p. 175).

Third, there are those who hold that Nietzsche's philosophy of Will to Power implies an anti-democratic, anti-liberal politics. The most profound defender of this position is Bruce Detwiler. In fact, it is against his interpretation of Nietzsche's philosophy that I have developed my own. The interpretation in question is highly nuanced. Its most outstanding feature is the great thoroughness with which it examines all of Nietzsche's relevant texts. Detwiler is the only commentator in the English language who confronts Nietzsche's political writings from the earliest ("The Greek State") to the latest [The Will to Power (WP)]. Also, he goes farther than Kaufmann, Warren or Connolly in analyzing the political implications of Nietzsche's doctrine of Will to Power.

I have some sympathy with all three positions mentioned so far. I agree with Kaufmann that Nietzsche's politically sounding language in his late period, say from 1883 on, does not add up to a "political theory". As I will show in a moment, there is ample evidence in these writings against interpreting them as advocating a political program. Nietzsche's concerns there are primarily ethical. His doctrine of Will to Power is primarily about self-constitution – we might call it an "ontology of agency". And, the role he envisions for the "higher types" is not political domination of the "lower types" but to act as role models, and creators of new values. But, I find Kaufmann's account of Will to Power both too generous to Nietzsche, and not deep enough. Warren's interpretation is ingenious, but highly speculative. While I agree with his emphasis on Will to Power as contribution to the theory of subjectivity, I cannot follow him in subsuming it under the rubric of neo-Kantian critical theory. Nor can I agree with his ascribing a repressive political position to Nietzsche. I am most sympathetic to Connolly's Foucault inspired reading of Nietzsche. However, like Kaufmann and Warren he does not give a satisfactory analysis of Will to Power. In addition, I do not share his implicit criticism of what he, too, takes to be deficient in Nietzsche's political position. However, my main focus will be on Detwiler's critique of Nietzsche's "aristocratic politics". I wish to examine three major claims that Detwiler makes in his Nietzsche and the Politics of Aristocratic Radicalism: first, the claim that Nietzsche's middle period writings are far less significant than those of the early and late period, second, the claim that the first period writings are to serve as the main guideline for Nietzsche's political views, and, third, that Will to Power is not simply about self-overcoming, it is also about dominating others.

I find Detwiler's first two claims highly problematic. There is enough evidence in Nietzsche's later writings to support the view that he not only abandoned but also condemned the Romanticism, the Schopenhauerianism, the Wagnerism, and the Statism of the early period. Or to put it differently: Schopenhauer, Wagner, and Bismarck who were the dominant influences on his political views in the early 1870s, became his nemeses after 1883. For these reasons, it is safe to dismiss Nietzsche's initial cult of genius, his fetishism of the state, along with his yearning for metaphysical comfort as parts of his immature views on politics.

Still, claiming, as I do, that Nietzsche abandoned his political romanticism of the early period, does not mean that no traces of the early writing remain in the later writings. Nietzsche's emphasis on art, artistic creation and culture, as fundamental conditions of social existence, remain throughout his writings. And this should surprise no one who takes his critique of moral and religious absolutism seriously. If there is no divine creator, no absolute standards, how are values to be created and justified? Already, in The Birth of Tragedy (BT) we get a glimpse of Nietzsche's conviction that culture and art have an essential political role in so far as they prepare peoples for a tragic vision of existence. Prepare them, in other words, for accepting that life, and social existence in general, is transitory, tension ridden – beyond rational control. This, I think, is the meaning of his claim that, "we have our highest dignity in our significance as works of art – for it is only as an aesthetic phenomenon that existence and the world are eternally justified" (BT, p. 52). But this does not, as I shall argue, lead Nietzsche to a repressive political aesthetics in the later years. Consequently, my disagreement with Detwiler is not that I deny that Nietzsche's politic in his early period – especially in the essay "The Greek State" – is offensively romantic and authoritarian. Nor do I deny that Detwiler is sensitive to some of the changes in Nietzsche's philosophical views from the early to the late period. What I disagree with is making these politically objectionable elements of the early period central to interpreting Nietzsche's political views.

Detwiler is the only commentator I am aware of who takes Nietzsche's positive comments about democracy in his middle period seriously. I assume he does so because these comments do not sit well with his view that Nietzsche is an anti-democratic, anti-liberal, authoritarian political thinker. Indeed, Nietzsche does say some surprising things about liberal democracy in HAH and in WS:

If religion disappears the state will unavoidably lose its ancient Isis veil and cease to excite reverence...Modern democracy is the historical form of the decay of the state – The prospect presented by this decay is, however, not in every respect an unhappy one. (HAH 472, p. 173)

The liberation of the private person (I take care not to say: individual) is the consequence of the democratic conception of the state; it is in this that its mission lies. When it has performed its task [...] when every lapse into the old sickness has been overcome, a new page will be turned in the storybook of humanity in which there will be many strange tales to read and perhaps some of them good ones. (HAH 472, p. 172)

Democratic institutions are quarantine arrangements to combat that ancient pestilence, lust for tyranny: as such they are very useful and very boring. (WS 289)

The democratization of Europe is irresistible: for whoever tries to halt it has to employ in that endeavour precisely the means that the democratic idea first placed in everyone's hand makes these means more wily and more effective. (WS 275, p. 376)

Democracy has the capacity, without employing any kind of violence but simply by applying continual constitutional pressure, to render the offices of king and emperor hollow. (WS, p. 379).

These passages show a grudging acceptance of democratic institutions as inevitable and practically necessary. Also, they are consistent with a token acceptance of monarchism, provided it is not tyrannical. And, they seem to be at odds not only with the commonly accepted view of Nietzsche's politics, but with things he says himself in his later writings. To explain this dissonance is the challenge interpreters of Nietzsche's writings must face up to. The title of Detwiler's book is inspired by Nietzsche's enthusiastic endorsement of being called an "aristocratic radical". I, too, accept willingly that Nietzsche was an aristocratic radical. However, in my view this does not mean that Nietzsche was a supporter of tyrannical political aristocracy, nor does it mean that he was an opponent of the fundamental tenets of liberalism. He was in favor of a mild form of political aristocracy, but he was primarily an aristocrat of the spirit. Also, he was in favour of liberalism but not the kind that Detwiler seems to want to endorse: one based on the negative freedoms of the fully constituted atomistic individual (D, p. 95). In addition, Detwiler's placing greater exegetical value on the early, in favour of the middle, period writings is seriously undermined by the fact that while Nietzsche, in his later writings distances himself from his early Schopenhauerian/Wagnerian position, he is, at the same time consistently laudatory about the positions he took in the middle period. Nietzsche's severe self-criticism of the "aberration of my instinct" infecting the early period, is too well known to be in need of documentation. What is perhaps less well known is how positively he felt in 1888 (in EH on HAH) about his change of orientation starting in 1878. This is what he says about his middle period in EH:

What then resolved itself within me was not merely a breach with Wagner – I sensed a total aberration of my instinct of which the individual blunder, call it Wagner or my professorship ay Basel, was merely a sign. I was overcome with impatience at myself; I realized it was high time for me to think back to myself. (EH, p. 91)

One has only to look at "Daybreak" or perhaps "Wanderer and its Shadow" to grasp what this return to myself was: a highest kind of recovery itself! [...] The other kind merely followed from this. (EH, p. 93)

However, in the final analysis, the debate between Detwiler and me hinges on whether one can give a better reconstruction of Nietzsche's political writings using the middle period as a guide, as I do, or using the first period as does Detwiler. And just as the onus is on Detwiler to explain passages of the middle period in terms of his interpretation, the onus is on me to explain passages of the late period in terms of mine. Detwiler sees Nietzsche as the "first avowed atheist of the far right" who repudiates the "dominant social ideals of modernity" (D, 190). He sees him as someone who insists that the "goal of society should be the promotion and enhancement of the highest type even at the expense of what has traditionally been thought to be the good of all or of the greatest number" (D, 198). By contrast, I maintain that while Nietzsche does repudiate the dominant ideals of modern society, in particular the democratic ideal, he does not advocate any kind of political reform, and certainly not that of the political Right. I take seriously Nietzsche's self description as the "last anti-political German" (EH, "Why am I so Wise?" 3, p.41) for whom democracy was a fait accompli. By his middle period he recognizes that the democratization of Europe is "irresistible" and he grudgingly acquiesces in that fact. What he is opposed to is the democratic ideology that he attacks relentlessly for its promoting mediocrity and the basest of human instincts. In short, he believes that moral and spiritual leadership ("legislation") is required in order to transcend "herd morality". It is a mistake to construe Nietzsche's elitism of the spirit as an advocacy of a rigid political hierarchy. His "higher type" does not denote a political category: it refers to those who possess the aristocratic instincts as a countervailing force against the instinctive hatred of any form of distinction on the part of the "democratic herd". Also, and more significantly, higher types have the role of providing, beyond the needs for material survival, the true meaning of human existence.

There are plenty of passages from the late period indicating that Nietzsche thinks of the higher types as spiritual, not political, leaders who can thrive in democratic societies: "In a certain sense the latter [higher type] can maintain and develop itself most easily in a democratic society" (WP 887). "the "higher nature" of the great man lies in being different, in incommunicability, in distance of rank, not in an effect of any kind" (WP 876). In section 258 of Beyond Good and Evil (BGE) he suggests that "a good and healthy aristocracy" should see itself not as a "function" of society but as its "meaning". This idea is restated at WP (901) "Main consideration: not to see the task of the higher species in leading the lower [...] but the lower as a base upon which higher species perform its own task – upon which alone it can stand". And, for reasons I have already given, Nietzsche maintains that: "the destiny of humanity depends upon the attainment of the highest type" (WP 987).

One might offer more passages in support of the view that Nietzsche does not see any inconsistency in combining a liberal democratic political shell with an aristocratic spiritual core. But a passage from the unpublished notebooks, one which does not appear in WP, is decisive:

Morality had up till now the limits that corresponded to that of the species: all past moralities were useful for the purpose of giving to the species, first of all, an absolute resistance: once this has been achieved, the aim could be placed higher.

The first movement is unconditional – levelling of the species, great ant-buildings etc. [...]

The other movement: mine: is, conversely, the sharpening of all oppositions and widening of all gaps, to remove equality, the creation of over-powers.

The first created the last man. Mine the overman.

It is absolutely not the aim to consider the last [overman] as the masters of the first: rather: two types have to exist, one at the same time as the other – separated to the greatest possible extent: the one, like the gods of Epicurus, do not preoccupy themselves with the others. (1883, Colli-Montinari (Ed.): 7[21], my translation.)

At this point an account of what Nietzsche means by "types" might be helpful. He agrees with the fundamental liberal idea, derived from Kant, that autonomy and self-realization are privileged human values. He also accepts the Kantian idea that moral valuation is intimately tied up with legislation. However, rejecting Kant's emphasis on Reason, and the universality of moral values, he has to modify the Kantian position radically. The reason that aesthetic plays such a central role in Nietzsche's conception of morality is that both self-legislation and legislation for others becomes highly problematic for him. It is worth noting here that Kant in his Critique of Judgment (CJ) maintains that "the beautiful is the symbol of the morally good; and only because we refer the beautiful to the morally good [we all do so naturally, and require all others also to do so as a duty] does our liking for it include a claim to everyone else's assent" (CJ, p.353). And if we were to continue this line of thought, we might say that if Nietzsche's conception of morality is also closely related to his aesthetics, it is related not to the aesthetic of the beautiful (harmony) but to the aesthetic of the sublime (discordant harmony).

Nietzsche's problem is that by rejecting traditional morality he has "wiped away" those horizons that have hitherto served to stabilize and give meaning to social existence. Since absolute and permanent values are no longer available to him, he needs to give an account of how valuation – something he deems to be essential for human existence – is still possible. It is at this point that Nietzsche's doctrine of Will to Power, his ontology of agency, becomes significant. According to him human subject are not absolutely stable unities. They are more or less stable organizations of heterogeneous multiplicities: structures of dominance. These fragile unities are complexes of competing drives (passions, emotions, affects). Under the regency of one of these drives:

We gain the correct idea of the nature of subject-unity, namely as regents at the head of a community (not as "souls" or "life forces"), also of the dependence of these regents upon the ruled and of an order of rank and division of labour as the conditions that make possible the whole and its parts. In the same way, how living unities continually arise and die and how the "subject" is not eternal; in the same way, that the struggle expresses itself in obeying and commanding, and that the fluctuating assessments of the limits of power is part of life. (WP 492)

On the basis this conception of subjectivity, Nietzsche envisions three different human types: first, those in whom the struggle among the drives is so intense that even a fragile unity cannot result from them; second, those whose dominant drive is so strong that they remain in a constant defensive struggle against a hostile Other in order to preserve it; finally, those who are capable of organizing the greatest number of different drives under the greatest possible unity. "The highest man, Nietzsche says, would have the greatest multiplicity of drives, in the relatively greatest strength that can be endured" (WP 966). Or again: "I believe that it is precisely through the presence of opposites and feelings they occasion that the great man, the bow with the greatest tension, develops" (WP 967). It is worth repeating: Nietzsche is an elitist. He holds, in my opinion, the following paradoxical complex of views: Liberal democratic institutions are here to stay. The great danger is that the democratization of Europe leads to the debasing of the human spirit. The material survival of humanity requires some measure of stability that can only be provided by a permanent working force. For its spiritual survival, humanity needs values: spiritual horizons. Since God is dead, there are no absolute values, therefore, new spiritual horizons, new creators, are needed, and these will be legislators/diagnosticians of human drives. These higher types need to understand, but keep their distance from, the herd and its values. Societies, in spite of their democratic structure, will always require, and will always have, extra-political aristocratic features. The higher types will lead by example only; their political role can only be negative. Their task will be to subvert outworn human values, propose new ones, all along insisting that human existence is essentially tragic. By so doing, they will also, indirectly, enhance the power of all individuals to overcome themselves. I feel fairly confident about all but the last sentence of the previous paragraph, and I am also fairly confident that Detwiler too would agree with most of it. But what evidence is there that Nietzsche would have accepted both my non-interventionist account of his politics, as well as my suggestion that in spite of their pathos of distance higher types could still be educators of the "herd"? The picture that one can easily get from his "The Greek State" and, indeed, some of his later statements, is that he was only interested in educating higher types – cultivating genius. At times he does suggest that, "a good and healthy aristocracy ... [should accept] with a good conscience the sacrifice of untold human beings who for its sake, must be reduced and lowered to incomplete human beings, to slaves, to instruments" (BGE 258, p.202) (also WP 954). Comments like these are disturbing, and they definitely go against any attempt to construe Nietzsche as "moderate aristocrat" and a liberal.

One has only a few options here. One could dismiss comments like this as the ranting of a desperate, hardly sane, person. Or, one could try, as Kaufmann does, to take the sting out of such passages by reading them strictly metaphorically. More to the point, however, one could ask: how can comments like these be reconciled with Nietzsche's view that "the destiny of humanity depends upon the attainment of its highest type" (WP 987)? Surely, if the higher types are to have any relevance for the destiny of humanity they cannot be completely irrelevant to it. Even if we admit that they need to keep their distance, and admit, also, that they cannot enter into communication with the herd on its terms; if the herd learns nothing from them, even indirectly, what is their social use? What is art, what is culture, worth, if it does not contribute to the perfection of human nature? To deny them that role would go against even what Nietzsche says in BT.

One possible meaning of the quotation from BGE is that, once again – as he was already in his middle period – Nietzsche is ranting against socialists and their dogmas about the "dignity of labour". He is saying: there is nothing dignified about necessary labour. It is demeaning but necessary for the survival of societies, and those who are free of necessary labour should accept that fact with clear conscience. On a more positive note, one might point to passages in which Nietzsche intimates that the "lower types" might by themselves be capable – given the moral and spiritual leadership of higher types – of overcoming the limitations imposed on them by their own narrow image of themselves. The subtitle of Thus Spoke Zarathustra: "A Book for Everyone and No One" already points in that direction. What it says is that anyone who is willing to enter the dangerous world of self-overcoming is welcome: no one is excluded a priory. Also, given Nietzsche's anti-essentialist conception of human subjectivity, it is plausible to assume that the distinction between types must have a certain degree of "fluidity". Presumably, all actually existing human beings would have "high" and "low" moments. In which case, type distinctions would reflect only predominance, and not permanence, of one of the traits mentioned above. In fact, in a passage of WP Nietzsche, himself, says as much:

And as for decadence, it is represented in almost every sense by every man who does not die too soon – thus he also knows from experience the instincts that belong to it – almost every man is decadent for half his life. (WP 864)

Nevertheless, a positive case for Nietzsche's optimism about the coming of a new humanity might be made more convincingly by listening to passages where he suggests that there is a difference between "persons" and "individuals". Already, in a passage quoted earlier from HAH 472, he warns that by "person" he does not mean "individual". But in two further passages, one from WP and the other from WS, he puts the distinction in a historical context:

Individualism is a modest and still unconscious form of the will to power... most modest stage of the "will to power"; here it seems sufficient to the individual to get free from an overpowering domination by society (whether that of the state or of the church). He does not oppose them as person but only as an individual; he represents all individuals against the totality. That means: he instinctively posits himself as equal to all other individuals: what he gains in this struggle he gains for himself not as a person but as a representative of individuals against the totality [...] individualism is the most modest stage of the will to power. (WP 784)

The time has, it seems, still not yet come when all men are to share the experience of those shepherds who saw the heavens brighten above them and heard the words: "On earth peace, good will toward men". – It is still the age of the individual. (WS 350)

It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that Nietzsche envisions here the possibility that at some future date, at a higher "stage of the will to power", at a time "still not yet to come", "all men [will] share the experiences of those shepherds who saw the heavens brighten above them". Nietzsche's implicit criticism of individualism in these passages is significant. The distinction he makes between persons and individuals is deliberate: "I take care not to say: individual". It is something to be overcome: "it is still the age of the individual". And, it represents the existing, still merely reactive, stage of the will to power: "individualism is the most modest stage of the will to power". The fact that they occur at three different times between 1878 and 1887 is also significant. How, then, to reconcile these comments with Nietzsche's harsh criticism of democracy, his contempt for the "herd", and his advocacy of the "pathos of distance"?

By way of an answer, I offer the following hypothesis: While Nietzsche has no doubt that there will always be a significant distinction between higher and lower types – between those who create new visions of existence freely, and those who produce the requirements of material existence under some forms of moral and material constraints, given his ontology of agency, the distinction must remain relatively open. Individualism is a virtue of those who exist under some form of constraint; their will to power – reminding us of the lion's in Zarathustra's "Prologue" – is sufficient only to get free from an overpowering domination by society. Their struggle is not that of the higher types, although the living examples and the visions created by the higher types might serve them in their struggle. And, individuals struggling for their liberation might, at the end of those struggles, with themselves, as well as with their external "constraints", become persons. "Persons", as I understand them, will not be only higher types. Nevertheless, they will be like the third type I described earlier. They will be open to experimentation with ways of being, tolerating diversity, and imposing on the tensions within themselves, and those surrounding them, the maximum order compatible with that diversity.

The question is: If what I say represents Nietzsche's position, why did he not make it more explicit? Part of the answer, surely, must be Nietzsche's extreme suspicion of the masses as carriers of the pathogen of Christian morality. In any commerce with them, the higher types would be in danger of infection. For that reason they must keep their distance. They could not, as Connolly proposes, be engaged in "democratic politics". Democratic politics might indeed be liberating for individuals, or groups of individuals, negotiating about divergent "hegemonic" interests, but such negotiations are fraught with great danger for the higher types. For that reason they must avoid them. Still, if my analysis here is correct, it does not follow from it that the higher types are politically irrelevant. They could, as I will show in a moment, help individuals in their becoming-persons – in achieving, as Connolly would say, "contingent identities". Also, they could help in the drawing and re-drawing of socio-political horizons providing a limited, fragile place within which a true political militancy could evolve.

Still, someone who takes Detwiler's position might object to this particular line of argument. They might say that most of the evidence I have marshalled in support of my claim that Nietzsche's elitism is not essentialist, comes from the middle period and, therefore, it does not have much weight. My reply to that possible objection would be that the onus is on those who deny the relevance of the middle period wrings in assessing Nietzsche's political views, to explain how it is that there is such a remarkable congruence between passages coming from it and from the late period. But, as I said earlier the onus is also on me to offer an explanation for those passages that have nourished the opinion that Nietzsche advocates the political oppression and exploitation of the "masses", by the higher types. Perhaps the most embarrassing passages for my interpretation are the following:

Put in the crudest form: how could one sacrifice the development of mankind to help a higher species than man to come into existence? (WP 859)

A declaration of war on the masses by higher men is needed! (WP 861)

The dwarfing of man must for a long time count as the only goal; because a broad foundation has first to be created so that a stronger species of man can stand upon it. (WP 890)

These passages, however, need to be read in the context of others where Nietzsche speaks of: a) the higher type's need for a "base" upon which it can perform its task (WP 901); and b) where he speaks of the need to protect the strong against the weak (WP 684-5, 863-4). These passages imply that for Nietzsche the "lower types" will be essential not only in the production/reproduction of the means of material survival, but are also essential as the bearers of a relatively stable moral base serving as a context in which the creation of new visions of human existence will become possible. Nietzsche's call for the pathos of distance has a very specific purpose. It is to prevent that: "The values of the weak prevail because the strong have taken them over as devices of leadership" (WP 863). The danger for the higher types is that they may be seduced by herd morality. But that does not mean that they can ignore it. In fact, their main role is, having recognized its practical necessity, to prevent it from becoming ossified, and to revitalize it. So, I would maintain that, in spite of some of the troubling statements he makes, it would be rash to exclude the possibility that Nietzsche allowed for the open ended-ness of, not only of higher type subjectivity, but also of a lower type one. And, indeed this is as it should be. Otherwise he would be guilty of precisely that type of essentialism that he wishes to avoid.

The politics of Will to Power

There remains one last issue that needs to be cleared up. Detwiler accuses, in my opinion quite rightly, both Kaufmann and Warren of giving only a one sided view of Nietzsche's doctrine of Will to Power. Since Nietzsche conceives, Detwiler says, Will to Power as "a generalized inclination to grow, to increase, to overcome resistances and to become more through the appropriation of, or the participation in, what is alien [...] [It] therefore encompasses more than a narrow will to domination, just as it encompasses more than the process of human self-constitution" (D, p. 160). And he goes on to say that:

Once the struggle among the drives has forged a unity in diversity that we call the self into a cohesive centre of power unto itself, the interaction among selves within society might well resemble the interaction of the drives within the body. [...] and if the above interpretation is correct, his discussion of the political ramifications of life as will to power do indeed flow from the same ontology as his thoughts on self-constitution. (D, p. 161)

For my reading of it, this is the most important passage in Detwiler's text. It allows me to state clearly where I agree, and where I disagree, with him. I agree with his characterization of Will to Power, also I agree with his implied criticism of Kaufmann and Warren. Where I disagree with him is his too easy slide from the psychological to the political level. In my view this move is a reflection of his commitment to the traditional liberal conception of the political subject. If, in fact, we allow that the struggle among drives results in the emergence of a stable "cohesive centre of power", then we have cancelled out any political gain we might hope from Nietzsche's ontology of subjectivity. The point of that ontology, however, is that any subjective unity, any centre of power, is always fragile and provisional. If we adopted Detwiler's shift from drives to persons we would be open to the following Kantian objection: a self may be a complex of drives, but for moral and political purposes we could treat it as an essential subjective unity. Consequently, Nietzsche's ontology of the subject is not so much offensive as it is irrelevant. The only way to avoid this Kantian objection is to insist that the drives constituting a self are not discrete, homogeneous, multiplicities like atoms, but continuous, heterogeneous, multiplicities like the organs of a living body. Furthermore, they are both pre-personal and supra-personal, composed of unconscious biological and social forces in constant tension. So, if we want to extend Nietzsche's ontology of agency to political agents we must take into account not fully formed individuals but those forces that overwhelm them, forces without which the project of self- overcoming – of transmuting one's actual "beings-in-the-world" – would never amount to anything. This way of seeing things would satisfy both requirements, the requirement that Will to Power be understood as "a general inclination to grow", and the requirement that it not be understood as endorsement of the political domination of the weak by the strong. In other words, it would privilege in the analysis of social encounters: tensions, relations of domination or appropriation, those factors and tendencies that are not transparent to agents because they are over flown by them, both on the pre-personal and the supra-personal levels.

In defence of Nietzsche's liberal critics, as well as his liberal defenders, it must be said that he, himself, was never absolutely clear on how his analysis of private agency could be extended to social and political en agency. Also, in their defence it must be said that in the real world of politics – the world of individuals – drives, passions and affects have only a limited currency. But, perhaps this is the whole point of debating Nietzsche's politics. His being anti-political meant that he disdained the real world of politics. Unfortunately, in spite of his disavowals, his language is full of political imagery. And, my thesis in this paper is that Nietzsche has, in fact, two politics: the one is a perfunctory endorsement of existing institutions he considers essential, inevitable and contemptible, the other is a proto-politics of para-personal drives and intensities, practiced by genealogists and critics of existing values and institutions.

Lest I be accused of being too abstract, I offer the following clarification of my last point: Nietzsche's doctrine of Will to Power has the most immediate application on the personal or the micro-political level. It is there that encounters involve the clash, or convergence, of feeling passions, and where drives are alternately dominating or dominated. It has broader political implication in cases of specific struggles against intolerable conditions, or in cases where specific passions or drives are mobilized to achieve some desired goal. It invites suspicion about totalizing party politics, and it is positively hostile to forms of identity politics that confine persons within narrow limits. A Nietzsche inspired politics would focus on local, punctual, issues. It would encourage not so much a critique of the most obvious and loudest political events or issues, but a diagnosis of the imperceptible forces and tendencies driving them. It might, in this way, prepare the conditions for a truly radical militancy, and it might unleash a truly effective subversion of entrenched values, be they that of "the people" or, indeed, that of the "higher types" themselves. This would, in my view, capture the true spirit of liberalism, one that advocates a true autonomy, one that welcomes contest, and one that is more interested in the process of liberation than in its achievements. Let me give the last word to Nietzsche:

Liberal institutions immediately cease to be liberal as soon as they are attained: subsequently there is nothing more harmful to freedom than liberal institutions [...] As long as they are still being fought for, these same institutions produce quite different effects; they then in fact promote freedom mightily. (Twilight of the Idols 38, p.92)

jueves, 21 de julio de 2011

Programa de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias y Técnicas de Gobierno (CTG)

Programa de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias y Técnicas de Gobierno (CTG)

Programa de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias y Técnicas de Gobierno (CTG)

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Inicio: 07 de octubre

396 horas académicas

Dirigido a:
Profesionales universitarios graduados en Derecho, Sociología, Ciencias Políticas, Economía o cualquier otra área con experiencia en Gestión Pública. También podrán participar personas que sin tener título universitario, su experiencia o responsabilidad actual en la gestión pública permita su admisión.
Charlas Informativas:


  • Análisis del entorno
  • Entorno legal
  • Entorno sociopolítico
  • Entorno económico
  • Ciudadanía, participación y organización social
  • Responsabilidad social

Gerencia de operaciones

  • Formulación y evaluación social de proyectos
  • Gerencia estratégica de servicios públicos
  • Finanzas públicas
  • Formulación y control del presupuesto público
  • Administración financiera pública


  • Liderazgo e inteligencia emocional
  • Organización del gobierno y la oficina del gobernante
  • Gerencia el capital humano
  • Ética del gerente público
  • Gobierno electrónico
  • Negociación y manejo de conflictos
  • Redacción y presentación de informes políticos y gerenciales


  • Prospectiva estratégica
  • Políticas públicas
  • Planificación estratégica y control de gestión
  • Descentralización
  • Análisis del discurso.


  • Metodología para generar conocimientos
  • Trabajo final
  • Visita a empresas e instituciones públicas
  • Coloquios

Requisitos de Ingreso:

  1. Ser profesional universitario graduado en las carreras de Derecho, Sociología, Ciencias Políticas, Economía, Ingeniería o en cualquier otra disciplina, preferiblemente con experiencia en la gestión pública o como dirigente de partidos políticos, parlamentario, organizaciones no gubernamentales o comunidades organizadas.
  2. Haber sido admitido por las autoridades del IGEZ - UCAB a través de los mecanismos establecidos a tales fines:
  3. Evaluación de carpeta de recaudos.
  4. Redacción de un ensayo de su experiencia dentro del área de la gestión pública.
  5. Ser entrevistado por un comité que determinará si el aspirante reúne las condiciones como real o potencial servidor público, aspecto éste fundamental como requisito para ingresar al programa.
  6. Original de las calificaciones de sus estudios de Pregrado
  7. Copia Certificada en fondo negro del título de Pregrado obtenido.
  8. Si el participante ha logrado algún título o diploma anterior de postgrado, su fondo negro también debe estar certificado.

Requisitos de Egreso:
Cursar y aprobar las 33 unidades de crédito (396 horas académicas) que contempla el plan de estudios y presentar y aprobar un trabajo final especial de integración de módulos o materias.

Coordinador del Programa
Adalberto Zambrano Barrios

Viernes y Sábados (intercalados al mes)
Viernes 4:30 p.m-8:00 p.m
Sábados 8:30 a.m-4:30 p.m horas académicas

“La gran discusión se centra hoy sobre la palabra ‘reputación’”

“La gran discusión se centra hoy sobre la palabra ‘reputación’”

“La gran discusión se centra hoy sobre la palabra ‘reputación’”

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Autor: Ítalo Pizzolante

Sumario: “Las empresas que creen que el comportamiento responsable es parte de una estrategia de relaciones públicas están subestimando al consumidor y excavando la fosa de su reputación”, sentenció este reconocido comunicador estratégico durante la conferencia “Imagen Corporativa y la Responsabilidad de la Empresa”.
Crédito: Jairo Márquez Lugo / CNP 11.079

Continuando con la misión de “evangelizador corporativo” que se asignó hace más de tres décadas, Ítalo Pizzolante Negrón estuvo el pasado 21 de julio en nuestra institución para dictar la conferencia “Imagen Corporativa y la Responsabilidad de la Empresa”.

Este Ingeniero Civil de profesión, con Master en Comunicación Política de la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona y Doctorado en Comunicación Organizacional en la Universidad Jaume I (España), insistió claramente ante la audiencia en derribar el paradigma de que las empresas con programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial (RSE) son, necesariamente, Empresas Socialmente Responsables (ESR).

  • ¿En qué radica la diferencia entre ambas nociones?

Hasta la última vez que visité el IGEZ, en el 2006, la gran discusión en el mundo de la comunicación versaba sobre la necesidad de crear estrategias de imagen corporativa, y hoy podemos probar que eso no es suficiente. La imagen es sólo una fotografía, y ésta puede ser buena o mala dependiendo del contexto donde sea tomada. Las empresas se preocupan más por la fotografía que por la película, siendo esta última su trayectoria y comportamientos. No construirán credibilidad porque un día salgan en una buena foto entregando cheques con donativos; se construirá confianza en la medida en que sus comportamientos sean percibidos como coherentes con las cosas que dicen, y viceversa. La imagen corporativa como concepto no es suficiente para agregar valor a la empresa.

  • ¿Cuál es el planteamiento que nos trae, en este sentido?

La gran discusión se centra hoy sobre la palabra “reputación”. El concepto de reputación y manejo de marca –marca persona, marca empresa, marca producto o marca institución- se construye sumando la trayectoria y comportamiento en el tiempo. No se trata sólo de una foto, sino de una serie de fotos que, unidas, integran una película. ¿Qué hace complejo comunicar en ambientes de incertidumbre como los que vive hoy Venezuela? La falta de confianza, que no es consecuencia de un gobierno o momento económico, sino del hecho de que las empresas están hoy más expuestas que en el pasado al juicio colectivo, el del consumidor.

  • ¿Y qué han visto los consumidores en esa exposición?

El comportamiento de las empresas no ha sido el que se esperaba de las organizaciones a través de los años, lo cual ha construido una matriz de desconfianza brutal. Ello es producto de visiones cortoplacistas, ausencia de valores y la no conciencia del impacto de las decisiones que toman. Es un fenómeno universal manifiesto en los problemas financieros, la crisis de (Bernard) Madoff, las pirámides en Colombia, el caso Stanford (Bank), los cambios políticos de la región, etcétera.

El consumidor, cliente o ciudadano se siente hoy con más legitimidad y mayor fuerza para cuestionar la empresa, y los medios le han dado el espacio para hacerlo. Es mucho más desconfiado, exigente, revisor y auditor de los procesos en toda organización. Lo que el colectivo espera no es escuchar qué es lo que hace la empresa, sino cómo lo hace.

  • ¿El consumidor de hoy está en capacidad de detectar si esas fotografías a las cuales hace referencia nacen de iniciativas sinceras o insinceras?

No sólo tiene esa capacidad, sino que se está movilizando para denunciar. Las empresas que creen que el comportamiento responsable es parte de una estrategia de relaciones públicas están subestimando al consumidor y excavando la fosa de su reputación.

  • ¿En esa equivocación se encuentra la mayoría de las empresas, a su juicio?

No. Generalizar no sería lo adecuado. Lo que ocurre es un proceso de elevación de conciencia en el cual no se puede subestimar al consumidor. Este último espera tocar la responsabilidad de la empresa a partir del servicio que se da, de la manera como contrata al personal y de los vínculos con la comunidad, proveedores y accionistas, y no por las piezas de publicidad.

Todos recordarán una expresión muy mía, que ahora uso con más fuerza: “Nos sobra arrogancia y nos falta humildad”. El líder de hoy está expuesto a un referéndum permanente; es como el producto en un anaquel, sobre el cual se puede creer o no mientras está expuesto. En consecuencia, las estrategias de construcción de reputación deben tener elementos conectados con lo que la gente espera, y allí entra el tema de la RSE.

Hoy por hoy se ha querido hacer ver que la RSE está de moda. No se trata de una innovación, sino de algo que ha adquirido una nueva significación, una nueva forma de ser comprendido. Existen espacios que se están invadiendo entre el rol que le corresponde a la empresa y el que le toca al Estado. En tal sentido, la empresa debe hacer foco en la misión para la cual fue creada: la generación de bienestar y la rentabilidad social y económica de la inversión realizada. Se está discutiendo cómo hace la empresa para que sean simétricos sus comportamientos con lo que dice que hace.

Tales mensajes invitan a la reflexión al consumidor y al empresario. ¿Cree que estrategias como éstas valen la pena en un ambiente como el que respira hoy, donde el sector privado nacional se dice perseguido por el Gobierno?

Hay dos tipos de empresas; las que frente a una contingencia como la nacionalización o expropiación no tiene dolientes más allá de quienes la fundaron y aquellas que, cuando son tocadas o cuestionadas sin siquiera haber sido intervenidas, levantan defensas en el ámbito social. Esas defensas elevan el costo político de tales decisiones, porque el doliente no es sólo el fundador, sino también todos aquellos que obtienen capital social sin haber invertido capital económico.

  • ¿Ejemplos?
Empresa Polar es una de las más emblemáticas, pues le importa tanto al accionista como a los niños que se benefician de las clínicas de béisbol o fútbol. El Banco de Maracaibo fue emblemático, en tal sentido. Existen afortunadas experiencias que muestran de manera objetiva cómo la apuesta a largo plazo al compromiso social y al involucramiento con los problemas ciudadanos puede construir confianza. Al final, el desafío es cómo hacer que a quien le duela la empresa trascienda a quien la funda, y eso no se logra de un día para otro.

“Hoy por hoy se ha querido hacer ver que la RSE está de moda. No se trata de una innovación, sino de algo que ha adquirido una nueva significación, una nueva forma de ser comprendido”.

Dani Hernández: Paraguay ganó por ‘viveza’

Dani Hernández: Paraguay ganó por ‘viveza’: "

El jugador de la selección de Venezuela Dani Hernández consideró que su equipo fue derrotado por Paraguay 5-3 en definición por penales merced a la ‘viveza’ de los guaraníes, en el partido de este miércoles que colocó a los paraguayos en la final de la Copa América.

“Nostros tuvimos todo, no nos faltó nada, ganaron por viveza de ellos nada más”, dijo abatido el jugador tras el partido disputado en Mendoza (oeste).

Fernández aseguró que su equipo “igual está conforme y muy tranquilo con la actuación de Venezuela a lo largo de la Copa América”, a la que llegó casi como invitado de piedra y terminó entre los cuatro mejores del torneo continental de selecciones.

“Ahora ante Perú, iremos con la misma ilusión para tratar de terminar terceros”, dijo sobre el próximo rival de la ‘vinotinto’ el sábado en el Estadio Ciudad de La Plata, 60 kilómetros al sur de Buenos Aires donde se definirá el tercero y cuarto puesto.

El partido terminó igualado 0-0 al término de 120 minutos de juego y en la definición por penales Paraguay se impuso 5-3 tras un disparo del venezolano Franklin Lucena que atajó el portero paraguayo Justo Villar.

Paraguay jugará la final de la Copa el domingo ante Uruguay en Buenos Aires.



Diseñan una guía de trenes y autobuses para teléfonos móviles

Diseñan una guía de trenes y autobuses para teléfonos móviles: "Un completo sistema de información a tiempo real sobre las rutas, las líneas y los destinos del transporte público de las ciudades europeas, accesible desde teléfonos móviles e inteligentes, ha sido desarrollado por investigadores de la compañía alemana Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft. La aplicación móvil estará en el mercado a partir de 2012, e incluirá a sistemas ferroviarios y de autobuses. Por Pablo Javier Piacente.

Diseñan una guía de trenes y autobuses para teléfonos móviles

Especialistas de la compañía alemana Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft han desarrollado una nueva aplicación para teléfonos móviles e inteligentes que funciona como una guía móvil en tiempo real de los servicios ferroviarios y de los autobuses de las ciudades europeas. El sistema incluye el acceso a las rutas y destinos de las diversas redes de transporte público, y se prevé que llegue al mercado en 2012.

Sin duda, acceder a datos de ubicación sobre los servicios públicos de transporte en todo momento y lugar ayudaría a los turistas que visitan las ciudades europeas e impulsaría un mayor uso de las redes ferroviarias y de autobuses. Sería un avance similar al obtenido con los dispositivos de navegación GPS en los automóviles particulares.

Mientras los conductores fueron liberados de su dependencia de los mapas gracias a estas aplicaciones tecnológicas, el sistema desarrollado por los investigadores alemanes conllevaría beneficios similares para los usuarios de las redes ferroviarias y de todos los servicios públicos de transporte.

Mediante estas guías personales destinadas a integrarse en los teléfonos móviles, los viajeros podrán acceder rápidamente a la ruta necesaria para llegar a su destino, evitando retrasos o inconvenientes por líneas fuera de servicio. Además, la aplicación les permitirá cambiar a rutas alternativas, si el tren o el autobús elegido ha tenido algún inconveniente.

Útil y sencillo

La nueva tecnología ha sido desarrollada en el Fraunhofer Institute for Transportation and Infrastructure Systems IVI de Dresden, y el avance ha sido difundido mediante una nota de prensa de Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft y a través de un artículo publicado en Science Daily.

La innovación se ha concretado gracias a un trabajo conjunto entre el mencionado instituto alemán de investigación y ocho entidades del sector industrial. El proyecto ha sido bautizado como Smart-Way, e incluye la creación de una completa guía móvil personal, que ofrece mucho más que información sobre los horarios de los servicios de transporte.

El funcionamiento será muy sencillo. Una vez instalada la aplicación Smart-Way, al acceder a la misma a través del teléfono móvil y seleccionar un destino, el sistema guiará al usuario a la estación de tren o parada de autobús más cercana a su ubicación, informándole sobre los servicios o líneas que debe tomar para llegar al destino deseado.

Según explica Andreas Küster, el investigador responsable de coordinar el proyecto en Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft, la aplicación muestra múltiples rutas alternativas en un mapa que entrega todas las paradas, conexiones, medios de transporte, direcciones y horarios de llegada y salida.

Versatilidad y datos a tiempo real

Los usuarios también tienen la opción de cambiar entre diferentes formas de transporte o ingresar un nuevo destino en cualquier punto que deseen. Con un constante seguimiento de la ubicación actual del usuario, Smart-Way es capaz de responder a tiempo real incorporando los cambios en la ruta.

Lo mismo se aplica en el caso de los retrasos o llegadas antes de tiempo. Cada vez que una contingencia determinada afecta a la ruta elegida, la aplicación sugiere inmediatamente alternativas para optimizar el tiempo. Asimismo, una aplicación muy útil es la alarma de vibración, que avisa al usuario a través de su smartphone cuando éste ha llegado a su destino o ha perdido un punto marcado.

Smart-Way funciona mediante navegación por satélite GPS, y también en el futuro se acoplará al sistema Galileo. Además, la aplicación se integra con los sistemas de búsqueda y localización de las empresas de transporte público, para realizar un seguimiento de sus vehículos.

Los sistemas de posicionamiento se complementan con sensores inerciales, que registran si un vehículo está acelerando o frenando, para definir si está en movimiento o esperando en una parada. Toda la información sobre horarios, conexiones y retrasos en las redes de transporte es suministrada por las empresas operadoras en tiempo real e importada a la aplicación.

Un prototipo de Smart-Way ya se ha completado, y los investigadores esperan tener una versión final de la aplicación para desplegar en toda Europa en 2012. Las primeras pruebas de campo están programadas para ejecutarse en septiembre de 2011 en Dresde y en Turín, en cooperación con los operadores de transporte público local.


miércoles, 20 de julio de 2011

César Farías: A sangre y fuego pelearemos el respeto para Venezuela

César Farías: A sangre y fuego pelearemos el respeto para Venezuela: "

El DT de la Vinotinto, César Farías indicó durante la rueda de prensa posterior al juego contra Paraguay, que “jugando el fútbol, no perdimos”, ya que Venezuela llegó a la semifinal invicta.

“No nos sentimos conformes, trabajamos para más”, aseguró.

De igual modo, deploró la presunta provocación de los miembros del equipo paraguayo que trajo consigo la agresión al final del partido, ya que manifestó que Venezuela nunca ha actuado de manera violenta o provocadora.

“Hay que acabar con la hipocresía de quienes aseguran que Venezuela no juega” manifestó y que la falta sin pelota durante el juego que se cometió durante el partido merecía expulsión y esta nunca llegó.

“Venezuela no le tiene temor a ninguna camiseta” y “pelearemos a sangre y fuego el respeto para Venezuela” sentenció el DT venezolano.


Paraguay gana sin ganar

Paraguay gana sin ganar: "Helados por el frío y por las desangeladas gradas, que dejaban ver el esqueleto del estadio porque Argentina no entiende la competición sin su equipo, Paraguay y Venezuela jugaron un partido a nada, solo aliñado por tres palos fortuitos y más que penalizados de la vinotinto, solo resuelto en la rueda de los penaltis. Era la única forma de marcar y Paraguay estuvo más acertada desde los 11 metros. Un premio excesivo para la selección guaraní, que se planta en la final frente a Uruguay sin vencer ni perder un solo partido en toda la Copa América, que gana sin ganar.


martes, 19 de julio de 2011

Descubren batería militar diseñada hace más de 200 años por ingeniero español

Descubren batería militar diseñada hace más de 200 años por ingeniero español: "Un grupo de obreros que adelantaba trabajos en las playas de un exclusivo barrio de Cartagena de Indias (norte) hallaron una fortificación diseñada y construida por un ingeniero español hace más de 200 años, informaron hoy autoridades locales.El hallazgo arqueológico fue presentado a medios de comunicación por la alcaldesa de Cartagena, Judith Pinedo, quien destacó la importancia que tiene no solo para la ciudad, sino para el país y el continente, encontrar la construcción que aparecía en la cartografía de la época, pero que no estaba a la vista.Detalló que la perdida batería de Pedro Mass data de finales del siglo XVIII y que hacía parte de un pequeño pero completo sistema de defensa conformado por dos baterías y un hornabeque que servía para proteger la zona norte de la ciudad.


El plan del FORO DE SÃO PAULO para destruir las FUERZAS ARMADAS // UnoAmérica

El plan del FORO DE SÃO PAULO para destruir las FUERZAS ARMADAS // UnoAmérica: "

El plan del
para destruir las

Compilación elaborada por la Unión de Organizaciones
Democráticas de América - UnoAmérica
Septiembre de 2009





1. ¿Qué es el Foro de São Paulo?

2. ¿Por qué el Foro de São Paulo quiere destruir las Fuerzas

3. El desmantelamiento de las Fuerzas Armadas en Argentina

4. El desgaste axiológico de las Fuerzas Armadas en Bolivia

5. El Foro de São Paulo afecta a Colombia

6. Perú: La Guerra Jurídica contra las Fuerzas Armadas

7. El Foro de São Paulo y el desmantelamiento de las FF.AA.
en Uruguay

8. El Socialismo del Siglo XXI contra las Fuerzas Armadas en





Las Fuerzas Armadas latinoamericanas son objeto de un ataque sin precedentes. La ofensiva se realiza en todas las naciones -aunque con métodos diferentes- para lograr un mismo fin: la destrucción definitiva de las instituciones armadas.
En Bolivia, Ecuador y Venezuela, las transforman, cambiándoles la identidad, sustituyendo la doctrina tradicional por nuevos conceptos emanados del Socialismo del Siglo XXI. El caso más emblemático es el de Venezuela, donde obligan a los militares a gritar “Patria, Socialismo o Muerte”. El objetivo final es convertir a estas Fuerzas Armadas en guardias pretorianas al servicio de los regímenes socialistas.
En Argentina, Chile y Uruguay, enjuician a los militares que combatieron la subversión armada, derogando las leyes de amnistía y obediencia debida, y aplicando retroactiva e ilegalmente los efectos de dicha derogación. En la mayoría de los casos, se trata de juicios políticos, precedidos de una propaganda feroz, donde no se presentan pruebas, ni argumentos válidos.
Ciertamente, algunos militares cometieron excesos; pero el objetivo de estas acciones no es hacer justicia, sino cobrar venganza y acabar con las instituciones castrenses. Porque si buscasen justicia, también condenarían a los terroristas de izquierda, que cometieron delitos de lesa humanidad, al colocar bombas, realizar atentados y asesinar víctimas inocentes.



Invariablemente, se criminaliza sólo al sector castrense, mientras que los terroristas del pasado siguen indemnes y, en muchos casos, ostentando altos cargos.
En Colombia, donde el gobierno trabaja hombro a hombro con las Fuerzas Militares, las ONGs de izquierda, financiadas desde el exterior, hacen de las suyas, acusando injustamente a héroes militares, para minar la moral de la Institución.
La teoría de los “falsos positivos”, inventada por la izquierda, está haciendo estragos en Colombia, al convertir a muchos terroristas y narcotraficantes, en supuestas “víctimas” del sector castrense.
El hecho de que la ofensiva exista de manera casi idéntica en naciones con gobiernos de diferente ideología, demuestra que se trata de una estrategia supranacional, orquestada desde fuera de nuestros propios países.
El compendio que publicamos a continuación, servirá para conocer mejor los detalles de esta estrategia y para diseñar mecanismos de defensa que la contrarresten.

Soplan vientos de cambio
Durante la década de los ochenta y noventa, casi todos los partidos tradicionales latinoamericanos perdieron su razón de ser, por no contar con un proyecto de nación y, sobre todo, por no haber solucionado el problema más grave de la región, el de la pobreza.
Como consecuencia, en al menos quince países fueron objeto de un voto castigo generalizado, que los desalojó del



poder y lo entregó a manos de los partidos pertenecientes al Foro de São Paulo (FSP).
Sin embargo, luego de años gobernando, los integrantes del FSP tampoco han resuelto los problemas más acuciantes de nuestras naciones; por el contrario, en algunos casos los han agravado, porque -en lugar de gobernar para los más pobres, como habían prometido- se dedicaron a promover un proyecto absurdo y fracasado, basado en el Socialismo del Siglo XXI.
Por este motivo, los pueblos latinoamericanos también se desilusionaron de los gobernantes izquierdistas, y buscan la manera de apartarlos del poder.
En algunos casos, la transición será pacífica, siguiendo los caminos democráticos e institucionales, como ya ocurrió en Panamá, con el triunfo de RicardoMartinelli; y como se espera ocurra pronto en otras naciones, como por ejemplo en Chile y Uruguay.
Sin embargo, en otros países -entre ellos los pertenecientes al ALBA: Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua y Venezuela- el cambio será traumático, puesto que sus gobernantes no pretenden reconocer los verdaderos resultados electorales, ni están dispuestos a abandonar el poder por ningún motivo. De hecho, ya Chávez y Ortega han cometido fraudes
electorales, y sin duda seguirán cometiéndolos en el futuro.
En estas naciones, se presentarán crisis político-militares, muy parecidas a la que experimentó Honduras, cuando Zelaya -también miembro del ALBA- quiso unilateralmente modificar la Constitución para perpetuarse en el poder. Obligados a defender la vigencia de la Carta Magna, el Congreso y la



Corte Suprema de Justicia, tuvieron que destituir legalmente al mandatario y ordenar a los militares hacer cumplir la decisión.
Durante los próximos meses -sin proponérselo- las Fuerzas Armadas de al menos cinco países se verán arrastradas hacia conflictos no deseados. Se verán forzadas a tomar una decisión moral, como ocurrió con los militares hondureños. ¿A quién obedecerán? ¿Al presidente de turno? ¿O al mandato constitucional de defender la democracia y las libertades?
Dado que el sector castrense está obligado a prevenir posibles conflictos y a prepararse adecuadamente para enfrentarlos con éxito, sería contrario a su propia naturaleza no considerar realidades evidentes y palpables, como las que se avecinan en el horizonte.
Es por eso que UnoAmérica ha decidido publicar un compendio que ofrezca a los integrantes de las Fuerzas Armadas latinoamericanas un panorama general de la situación castrense; y así contar con suficientes elementos de juicio que les permita defender su institución y cumplir con la delicada misión que su patria les ha encomendado.

Alejandro Peña Esclusa
Presidente de UnoAmérica




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